I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a

I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a

22/09/2025
12/10/2025

I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.

I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments.
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a
I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a

"I do not think it is an exaggeration to say history is largely a history of inflation, usually inflations engineered by governments for the gain of governments." – Friedrich August von Hayek

In these words, Friedrich August von Hayek, the great Austrian economist and moral philosopher, lifted the veil from one of the oldest and most destructive illusions of civilization — the illusion that power can create prosperity by simply printing it. When he declared that “history is largely a history of inflation,” he was not speaking merely of numbers and prices, but of the eternal dance between truth and deception, between the rulers and the ruled. For Hayek understood that inflation is not only an economic disease — it is a moral failure, a quiet theft that corrodes trust, savings, and the very fabric of freedom.

The origin of this quote lies in Hayek’s lifelong battle against the seductive tyranny of easy money. Living through the chaos of post–World War I Austria and Germany, he witnessed the madness of the Weimar hyperinflation, when the price of a loaf of bread rose faster than a man could eat it. Money, once sacred as the measure of value and labor, became ashes in the hands of the people. Children played with banknotes as toys; families burned them for warmth. Governments, in their hunger for control and political gain, turned the printing press into a weapon of illusion — conjuring wealth out of nothing, while destroying the very wealth of their citizens.

To Hayek, this was no accident of history. It was a pattern repeated through the ages. From the emperors of Rome who mixed lead into their silver coins, to monarchs of Europe who devalued their currencies to fund wars, to modern governments that print digital money to purchase favor and postpone accountability — each era has suffered the same delusion: that they can outwit the laws of economic truth. Yet time and again, the same law prevails — no society can cheat reality without paying a price. Inflation, in Hayek’s eyes, was the slow poison of civilizations, the silent decay that begins with greed and ends in ruin.

Look, for example, to the fall of the Roman Empire. For centuries, Rome’s money was sound — the denarius of silver, trusted and strong. But as emperors grew decadent and armies demanded more pay, Rome debased its currency, replacing purity with deceit. The people grew restless, trade faltered, and confidence eroded. By the time of its collapse, Rome’s money was nearly worthless — a fitting symbol for an empire that had lost its virtue before it lost its power. Hayek saw in this a mirror of modern times — that inflation is the companion of moral decay, the whisper of corruption dressed in the language of policy.

When Hayek spoke of inflations “engineered by governments for the gain of governments,” he spoke with the fire of moral outrage. For every act of inflation is, at its heart, an act of betrayal — a betrayal of those who trust in the value of their work, their savings, and their future. It is a hidden tax, imposed not by law but by deceit. The people are told they are richer, yet find themselves poorer; they are promised progress, yet awaken to scarcity. And while the common citizen struggles to buy bread, the state, fattened by its own illusion, boasts of stability. Thus, inflation becomes not merely a monetary act, but a tool of power — soft tyranny wearing the mask of benevolence.

The ancients would have understood Hayek’s warning well. For they knew that the virtue of a nation rests not in its treasures, but in its truth. When money is honest, trade is fair, labor is rewarded, and faith binds people together. But when money is corrupted, faith dissolves, and society becomes a house built on sand. The wise ruler guards the integrity of his currency as he would guard his honor, for both are the lifeblood of trust. To tamper with one is to endanger all.

So let this lesson echo through the ages: inflation is not merely an economic choice — it is a moral one. It begins in pride and ends in punishment. It flatters the present while robbing the future. And though it may serve the ambitions of governments, it devours the virtue of nations. Guard, therefore, against the temptation of easy prosperity. Demand truth in policy as you demand honesty in men. For when the rulers print illusion, it is the people who bleed in silence.

Remember Hayek’s wisdom, and carry it as a warning written in flame: no government can create wealth — only freedom can. A nation that respects sound money, honest labor, and limited power will endure. But one that feeds on false abundance will one day awaken to ruin. Thus, the story of inflation is the story of mankind’s eternal struggle between wisdom and folly — and the call of Hayek still resounds: to choose truth over comfort, and freedom over deceit.

Friedrich August von Hayek
Friedrich August von Hayek

Austrian - Economist May 8, 1899 - March 23, 1992

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