Harry Bridges

Harry Bridges – Life, Activism, and Legacy

Harry Bridges (1901–1990), Australian-born American labor leader, shaped the U.S. West Coast labor movement through bold union organizing, legal battles over deportation, and decades of leadership of the ILWU. Discover his biography, activism, philosophy, and enduring influence.

Introduction

Harry Bridges was a towering figure in 20th-century U.S. labor history. Born in Australia, he emigrated to the United States and rose from longshore work to become the long-time president of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), from 1937 to 1977.

His life was marked by fierce struggles: mass strikes, legal prosecutions, deportation attempts, and Cold War controversies. Yet Bridges remained a committed, if controversial, advocate for working people, believing strongly in labor’s political power and in class-conscious unionism.

This article traces Bridges’ early life, his union career and battles, his ideological conflicts, and the legacy he left behind.

Early Life and Family

Harry Bridges was born Alfred Renton Bryant Bridges on July 28, 1901, in Kensington, a suburb of Melbourne, Victoria, Australia.

His father, Alfred Ernest Bridges, was a real estate agent or newsagent, and his mother, Julia (née Dorgan), was of Irish descent.

He received education in Catholic and public schools but left formal schooling early, around age 14, to take on odd jobs, including working as a clerk and later entering maritime work.

Bridges credited influences such as his uncle (named Renton Bridges) — a Labor Party activist — shipmates sympathetic to the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), and the experience of general strikes in Australia (notably in 1917) for helping radicalize him.

Youth and Entry into Labor Activism

At age 16, Bridges went to sea as a merchant mariner, a move that exposed him to the world of global labor, unions, and class struggle.

In 1920, he arrived in San Francisco, legally entering the United States; he soon became involved with maritime and dock labor.

By 1921, he had joined the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and participated in seamen’s strikes, though he later withdrew from the IWW, citing doubts about its effectiveness.

In 1922, he left sea work and began working on the San Francisco docks as a “pirate” (i.e., casual, unregistered labor) to resist company-controlled union systems.

He also joined the Riggers’ and Stevedores’ Union and faced blacklisting for union activism.

During the early 1930s, Bridges became involved with a more militant grouping of dock workers known as the Albion Hall group, which published The Waterfront Worker and emphasized rank-and-file mobilization.

Career and Achievements

Rise in Union Leadership

In 1934, Bridges was elected chairman of the strike committee during the West Coast waterfront strike.

Following that strike, Bridges gained stature among West Coast dock workers. In 1936, he became president of the Pacific Coast District of the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA-PCD).

Frustrated with the ILA’s structure and its lack of radical political engagement, Bridges led the secession of many West Coast locals in 1937 into a new union: the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU).

Under his leadership, the ILWU expanded to represent dockworkers, warehouse workers, and inland logistics workers, giving it a broader base of power.

Legal Battles and Deportation Efforts

Because of his leftist sympathies and perceived affiliation with Communist movements, Bridges faced repeated attempts by the U.S. government to deport him or to revoke his citizenship.

In 1939 and 1941, the government held hearings at Angel Island to deport him under the Alien Act of 1918 and later the Smith Act, which targeted alleged Communists.

In 1945, the U.S. Supreme Court in Bridges v. Wixon ruled (5–3) that the evidence presented to justify deportation relied on unreliable or hearsay testimony, and said that the government had failed to show affirmative “affiliation” under the statute.

Later, in 1948, Bridges was indicted for perjury and fraud, accused of having lied about Communist Party membership on his citizenship application. A jury convicted him, and his citizenship was revoked. U.S. Supreme Court overturned that conviction on the grounds that the indictment was filed too late—outside the statute of limitations.

After that, the government attempted to pursue a civil case to strip him of naturalization in 1955, but that effort failed.

These legal struggles made Bridges a symbol of labor resistance during the Red Scare era.

Challenges in Mid- and Late Career

In 1950, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) expelled the ILWU amid anti-Communist purges.

He oversaw important labor agreements, including groundbreaking deals in the 1960s that navigated the introduction of mechanization in the ports while protecting jobs and benefits for displaced workers.

Bridges also faced internal challenges: tension with rank-and-file “B-men” (junior longshore workers), racial disparities within hiring, and criticisms over his leadership style.

By the 1970s, Bridges explored consolidation or merger possibilities (e.g. with ILA or Teamsters) but ultimately decided to retire in 1977.

Ideology, Philosophy, and Controversies

Bridges’ political stance was complex and frequently contested.

• While he was long rumored to have been a member of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), Bridges always denied membership.

• Archival research (e.g. a 1937 Comintern file listing “ROSSI (Bridges)” as a CPUSA Central Committee member) has fueled speculation about his affiliation.

• Modern biographers like Robert Cherny argue that Bridges had deep ideological sympathy to leftist and Marxist ideas, consulted with CPUSA figures, and followed many party lines in public, without ever being under strict party discipline.

• Bridges viewed unions as both economic and political actors. He believed that workers should have independent political power (rather than be tied solely to existing parties) to defend gains and push reforms.

• During World War II, Bridges supported the wartime no-strike pledge made by many unions, though he also navigated tensions between union autonomy and national priorities.

• After the war and during the Cold War, he often clashed with mainstream labor institutions and governments over foreign policy, anti-Communist legislation, and union independence.

In sum, Bridges’ ideology intertwined militant labor unionism, left-leaning political sympathies, and a strong belief in rank-and-file power, while resisting full integration into party bureaucracies.

Legacy and Influence

Harry Bridges left a mixed but powerful legacy in U.S. labor, especially on the Pacific Coast.

• The ILWU, built under his leadership, remains one of the most prestigious and politically independent unions in the U.S. labor movement.

• The Harry Bridges Center for Labor Studies at the University of Washington (Seattle) promotes research, teaching, and outreach on labor and social justice topics.

• The ILWU headquarters in San Francisco is named the Harry R. Bridges Memorial Building.

• Many places and institutions bear his name: Harry Bridges Institute (San Pedro, California), Harry Bridges Span School (Wilmington, CA), and Harry Bridges Boulevard near the Port of Los Angeles.

• In 2001, on what would have been his 100th birthday, California declared “Harry Bridges Day,” and the ILWU organized a tribute march.

• His life and legal struggles are often invoked in debates about civil liberties, deportation, and the rights of union activists under surveillance or political pressure.

• Yet his reputation remains contested: supporters view him as a radical hero for labor’s independence; critics accuse him of undue ideological alignment and autocratic tendencies.

Personality and Character

Bridges was often described as charismatic, sharp-witted, resolute, and polarizing. His leadership style combined personal initiative, giving voice to rank-and-file workers, and a willingness to confront powerful employers and government agencies.

He was also a thick-skinned figure who lived many years under threat — legal, political, and public — yet maintained legitimacy among membership through repeated re-election and continuing grassroots support.

His personal life was turbulent: Bridges had multiple marriages and relationships, some of them legally contested and public. Noriko “Nikki” Sawada, an activist who had been interned during World War II; their marriage in Reno challenged Nevada’s anti-interracial marriage laws.

Toward the end of his life, Bridges maintained a quiet demeanour, often downplaying his personal role in labor’s successes. For instance, in 1985 he said, “I just got the credit … I just happened to be around at the right time.”

Quotes and Illustrative Statements

While Bridges is less known for aphoristic quotes, several statements and remarks illustrate his thought:

• “The union is not going to stay on the waterfront — we’re going inland.” (on expanding ILWU’s reach beyond docks)

• On his leadership role: “I just got the credit … I just happened to be around at the right time.” (1985)

• He often emphasized the union’s political independence and the necessity of rank-and-file awareness rather than top-down control. (Implied in many of his writings and speeches)

• A press statement during his deportation fight: the case against him relied on “guilt by association” rather than concrete personal acts.

Lessons from Harry Bridges

• Labor must be political: Bridges believed that economic gains are precarious without political power and independent organizing.

• Resilience under pressure: His capacity to survive legal prosecutions, government attacks, and union purges shows the need for legal and organizational defense in activism.

• Power of rank-and-file mobilization: He rooted much of his influence in supporting worker participation rather than command from above.

• Navigating complexity: Bridges’ ideological stances and compromises remind us that social change often involves tension, inconsistency, and contested alliances.

• Legacy is contested: Even celebrated leaders are subject to critique; understanding their flaws as well as strengths is key for deeper learning.

Conclusion

Harry Bridges remains one of the most influential and controversial labor figures in American history. His leadership transformed the landscape of West Coast labor and challenged government efforts to suppress leftist unionism. The ILWU’s continued strength is part of his legacy, as are the legal precedents and political debates his life provoked.